uss frolick

I would go with the later armament. But I think you might have to build up a solid forecastle bulwarks, and re-space the quarterdeck and forecastle gun-ports so that they fall into the shroud spaces made by the gun deck ports. This was becoming standard practice in American, France and England by 1810. This was done as much to protect the tarred shrouds from the carronade's flash, as it was to protect the crew. Look at the Renomme model of 1806 for examples of both. American Naval Constructor Josiah Fox described the new practice in 1807: " .... All the Fore Castle and quarterdeck ports in out frigates (the Chesapeak [sic] excepted) are equally spaced between the ports on the Gun-deck; This mode (though uniform) is attended with great disadvantage to the direction of those guns, particularly Carronades, where the Ports are in the wake of the Channels; It is usual with all Nations to place their Fore Castle and quarterdeck ports in their frigates between the same Shrouds that are spaced for the Main-Deck ports, by which means the shrouds have less spread fore and aft, and being more abreast of the Mast, afford more support to the Masts than they do now; and at the same time enable the Guns to range clear of the Shrouds, and point to more advantage than in the former mode ..." I also like the French mounting better than the English, with its four casters instead of two, and the breach rope that passes all the way through the bulwarks. By 1810, the French carronade looked like a real British carronade, but back in 1793, the French 36-pounders were shorter brass howitzers (French model 1787 Obusier de Vaisseau) used mostly to toss grape and canister. In the later period, according to British Historian William James, French forty-gun 18-pounder frigates were commonly armed with fourteen 24-pounder carronades and just two long eights.

Thank you for your kind words. But you actually built it, and I just went "blah, blah ..."

I really like your stern carvings and figurehead reconstruction!

Warships are considered military graves, as was the Spanish frigate that blew up off the Azores, and they may not be salvaged without permission. Were treasure galleons warships, or were they more like the English armed East India Company merchant ships?

I hope they salvage some of the artifacts, as well as the gold. To me, objects of everyday, early 18th-century naval life, are the real treasure.

Tom, apple wood has a lot to offer, and you're lucky enough to be living in part of the country (Connecticut) where it is cheap and plentiful. Although the heartwood is darker, the sap wood is nice and light, and the grain is tight. Makes a sweet smell when you saw it, too!

That's a solid hull project, yes? And what is your scale? I know it's only one photo, but the lines and sheer look very smooth. I noticed you penciled the position of every frame on the lower hull. I see a lot of good in that hull, and nothing bad. Just remember, we are our own worst critic.

Huzzah! I'll be watching too.

Until I saw the Carnot, I never thought any 19th century warship was ugly. What are all those square openings in the hull side, if not broadside ports? But they can't be broadside ports on a ship built that late. Windows for the crew? Why even put them in the side turret blisters, so close to the waterline?

Bad Mark. No cookie.

Please Ancre, make the next Frigate monograph a 24-pounder ship like La Forte/Eqyptienne, La Resistance/Vengeance, L'Immortalite, etc.

OK! No more dry stuff! From here, the following will be the accounts of several battles, in which the Frigate John Adams engaged, in as part of Commodore Morris's squadron battling the Tripolitan pirates. The John Adams was under the command of Captain John Rogers, and the the officer in charge of the quarter deck guns was none other than Midshipman Johnston Blakeley, who was later the Corvette John Adam 's first lieutenant under the above recited cruise to Europe under Captain Evans ... In this incident, the Frigate John Adams, in company with the Schooner Enterprize, destroys a 22 gun polacre-rigged corvette of the Tripolitan navy, a tribute gift from France, thought to have been built around 1786. Report of Captain Rogers in his after action letter to Commodore Richard Morris, dated June 30th, 1803. "The Squadron having this moment arrived from the coast of Tripoli, I take the earliest opportunity to inform you in what manner they were employed during your absence, and which I hope may meet you approbation, Previous from the return of the Enterprize from Malta, the John Adams was stationed to the eastward of the town, and the Adams to the westward, at such distance to enable us to distinguish each others signals, and join our operations if it had been necessary. After the Enterprize's return, she was stationed to the Eastward, and the John Adams in the center, abreast the town, and in justice of Captain [Hugh] Campbell and Lieutenant [isaac] Hull, permit me t observe that their vigilance could not be excelled, of course such as to merit your commendation, however, the enemy having only two cruisers at sea, and those in port so closely watched that nothing of importance after your departure, except the destruction of the Bashaw's finest Cruiser, for the particulars of which, I refer you to the extracts of my journal: 'On the 22nd instant, at 1/2 past 7 AM, wind ENE, the Town of tripoli bearing WSW, distant 6 or 7 leagues, , observed the Enterprize in the SSE, with a signal flying, its signification not distinguishable, made sail and stood toward her, at 8 ditto spoke the Enterprize, spoke the Enterprize when Lieutenant Hull informed me that the large ship of the enemy had anchored close in with the shore., at 1/2 past eight ditto, shortened sail and prepared to anchor with springs on our cable, discovering the enemy anchored with springs on his cables in a deep narrow bay, about 7 or 8 leagues to the eastward of town, a situation advantageous to defending their ship, and the same time observed the enemy gunboats beating up to their assistance, and a vast number of cavalry and armed men on the beach.. At 7 minutes before 9 AM, being in 7 fathoms water, and supposing we were in point blank shot of the enemy, commenced firing which they returned, and a constant fire was maintained for forty-five minutes, when the enemy's fire was silenced, at which instance the crew abandoned the ship in the most confused and precipitate manner, for those men as her boats could not carry, jumped overboard and swam to the shore. At this moment, being in a 1/4 less 5 fathoms water, and the rocks appearing under our bottom in every direction round us, I thought it prudent to ware and lay the ship's head off shore, and in meantime ordered Lieutenant Hull to stand close in, as consistent with safety, and amuse the enemy on the beach, until our boats could be hoisted out to take possession. At 1/4 before 10 AM, discovering one of the enemy's boat's returning to the ship (whilst we in the act of hoisting out our boats) [we] tacked and renewed our fire, and in a few minutes after had the satisfaction to see the enemy's colors hauled down, at the same time, firing both their broadsides, which was accompanied by the ship's blowing up with a heavy explosion which burst the hull to pieces, and forced the main and mizen masts perpendicularly into the air 150 0r 160 feet, with all the yards, shroud, stays, etc, belonging to them, This ship was polacre-rigged mounting 22 guns, the largest cruiser belonging to Tripoli, and to appearance, a very fine vessel. From the number of persons land, her crew must have consisted of more than 200 men, and from the advantageous position which she held, added to the shoal-less water outside her, she ought to have annoyed us very much, and have done very considerable damage, yet to the disgrace of Tripoli, we have received no injury. All the men which returned to the ship in the boat were blown up in her, and I have reason to believe the Captain was among that number, several men , which were wounded on the beach, were seen to be carried off by the others, and vast numbers of others must have been killed previous to their abandoning the ship.' ... The loss of [the Bashaw's] most valuable cruiser, must of course do him great injury, and from appearances , I am in hopes that none of our merchant vessels will fall into their hand this summer. The destruction of the aforementioned vessel, altho awful, was one of the grandest spectacles I ever beheld. After a tremendous explosion, there appeared a huge column of smoke, which a pyramid of fire darting vertically through its center, interspersed with masts, spars, sails, rigging, different parts of the hull, etc, and the vessel in an instant dashed to atoms."

" ... on sending on shore to the Post Office, I received a letter from Captain Fenwick ( to whom I had written the same day I had written General Armstrong), stating that the general had expressed much astonishment at my not announcing my arrival to him. As I had written three different letters to Captain Fenwick and the one I received from him seemed to be a reply to the second, which had been put into the Post Office I was apprehensive that those had sent on shore had been detained. I therefore immediately sent for the commissary, who had promised to forward them, to know why they had not been received, and to request a passport for one of my officers to Proceed to Paris, as I had determined, on the receipt of Captain Fenwick's note, to send an officer with a letter to General Armstrong without delay. The commissary answered that he could not in any manner account for the letter not having been received, and he repeated his assurance, that he had duly forwarded them with his own. He without hesitation granted the passport, and the following morning, I dispatched Mr. Chew to General Armstrong, stating to him the manner his letters were forwarded, and as I had been obliged to enter the harbor, and might possibly meet with some detention, I desired him to furnish Mr. Chew with [illegible] of money for use of the ship. On this letter, Mr. Chew received from him one thousand dollars. About One O'clock the same day, Captain Fenwick arrived with dispatches, as he had passed the carriage, with Mr. Chew in it about 15 miles from Havre, but it was closed and Mr. Chew did not see him. Here it may be proper to observe, that it is only about the full, and the change of the moon, that vessels drawing more than 12 feet, can enter the Harbor of Havre, for one day [illegible] and sometimes for three days subsequent to these periods, the tide in the entrance flows so as to admit vessels drawing only two fathoms. The channel however is so narrow that, it is absolutely necessary to have a fair wind to sail in or out. From the day of our entrance, until the arrival of Captain Fenwick, we had employed every favorable moment endeavoring to get out without success, and the day after his arrival, in which was the only one in which we could entertain the smallest hope of getting out, until the full of the moon. Every effort was again made, but after hauling the ship to the entrance of the gates, the Pilot said it was impossible to get out, as there was not sufficient water, and upon sending Lieutenant Pettigrew to sound the channel, he found but fourteen feet. and the shallowest part being two feet less than we drew." [Note: The only known draught of water by the John Adams was measured on her departure from Messina, Sicily, on November 21, 1804, while fully laden for a return voyage to the United States, and was found to be 15', 10" forward, and 16', 6" aft. She was still a frigate at that time.] "Here we found we must remain until the next full moon, and it was not until the second day after that, that we were able to get out, although we made several attempts, one of which, after being nearly clear, we were run aground by the Pilot and obliged to return. On the night, however, of the 20th of april, we got out, and the following day, after recovering, the anchor and cable we had slipped in the Roads, we sailed for America From that, until the present period, nothing has transpired worthy of note. Indeed, I should have not troubled you with this tedious statement respecting La Havre, had I not understood General Armstrong disapproved of my going there. During our absence, we have boarded and been board by several British cruisers, without anything occurring worthy of mention. Mr. Dupont du Nemurs, to which you directed me to afford a passage, has declined coming to America. Captain Fenwick was with him in Paris, and he will be able to inform you more fully of the particulars. The ship will require a little overhauling and she will want some running rigging, and caulking, and as we have had such tempestuous weather since we have left America, that it is now a year since we have been able to paint. I could wish to land a few tons of Kentledge, as I think she will sail better, and is a more safe sea boat now than when we sailed three months previous in on leaving America.. Could it be done conveniently I beg leave to recommend giving her a new gun deck, the one she has now is so thin, that it is impossible to keep from leaking. There are also a few alterations that might be made with a trifling expense in Washington, which, I think, would improve her greatly. I am happy to inform you that since our arrival, the health of our crew is re-establishing daily, out of a sick list of [illegible] on the day I left the ship for washington, 21 have recovered, and indeed a great proportion of the others, are in a state of convalescence. We will require a number of men to complete our crew; the terms of service of most of those we received from the different ships in New York have expired to or three months past, or will expire shortly, we have likewise lost several by death, and four by desertion. Lieutenant Blakeley has request leave of absence from the ship in consequence of indisposition, which as there are five lieutenants on board, I have granted him. He repairs to washington in the Morning. Respectfully, I have the honor to be, Sir, your obedient servant, Captain Samuel Evans."

The letter from Evans to Hamilton of June 19, 1810 continues ... "The evening of the 25th, we had the satisfaction to receive Mr. Elliot on board with Mr. Pinkney's dispatches, and the next evening sailed for La Havre, where I had determined to proceed [illegible]. From thence I could have the most speedy communication with General Armstrong. We arrived off Havre about noon of the 28d, and I immediately sent Mr. Chew on board on shore to forward a letter I had written to General Armstrong announcing my arrival, and a letter and package from Mr. Pinkney to the general, which the former had told Mr. Elliot was not of sufficient consequence to justify the expense of sending an officer to Paris with it. Mr. Chew got on board too late for the post, and he deposited the letter with the commissary of Police, who assured him they should be sent to Paris the following day with his own. In my letter to General Armstrong, I informed him that the Harbor of Havre was not a fit place for the ship, and the Road too much exposed, to remain in them, with safety, at that season. I had determined to stand off and on the town, until I could her from him. I likewise stated to him that it was my wish to proceed to Cherbourg with the ship, should he be deemed proper to detain her, as in that port I could moor with safety. This letter, the commissary informed Mr. Chew, was sent on the next dat (the 29th). As the distance from Havre to Paris was not more than a 36 hour ride, I soon expected to hear from General Armstrong. On the 3rd of April we [illegible] in the Roads and sent a boat on shore for intelligence, that evening the airs were light and the Pilot advised our anchoring to avoid being drifted by the tide near the shoals. This I consented too, and at four in the afternoon, we anchored. About four O'Clock in the morning of the 4th, the wind came in from the NE and by daylight it blew quite a gale. By 7, the sea had risen so high, that it made a breach over the ship on almost every pitch. The tide, as well as the wind, was directly on [illegible] and if we did not avail ourselves of the tide before 10 O'Clock, we could not enter that day, be the event, what it would. It seemed to me therefore necessary to chose one of two alternatives, that to let go all the anchors we could to advantage, and endeavor to ride it out, at all events, or to prepare to immediately run into the harbor. In both of these alternatives, I did believe there might be some danger. The gale blew heavy, and there was every appearance of its' increasing. The sea was then high, we were exposed to the whole range of the channel, and although the cables and anchors could possibly hold her until she foundered, I had not the greatest confidence in those furnished at Washington, and saw clearly that if we parted from our anchors, it would next next to an impossibility to save the ship. On the other hand, I had been informed that the entrance was very narrow, and must consequently be dangerous to attempt with the wind, and the tide, then there was. I determined however to attempt the latter, after receiving assurance from the Pilot that he could carry her in with safety. Accordingly, at [illegible] O'clock we had everything prepared, and shortly after slipped our cable and stood for the harbor, on luffing around the entrance, we were [illegible] running on one side of it, owing to the Pilot not giving her sufficient room. In fact, we grazed the wall, but the ship received minimal injury, and by his further bad management, in directing the anchor to be let go too soon, we were obliged to cut the cable, to enable us to get with in the gates, before the tide left us. Soon however, we were within the gates, without further accident and moored alongside two French frigates." Notice that Captain Evan sent Mr. Chew, the ships purser, on shore, instead of a midshipman or a lieutenant. He probably needed every able sea officer on board to work the ship. To be continued ...

At the completion of the cruise, Captain Evans compiled what was a long and detailed letter to Secretary Hamilton, dated June 19, 1810, from Baltimore: "Sir, I had the honor to address you on the 11th March last from Portsmouth, but I was obliged by indisposition to limit my latter to a few lines. I now have the honor to inform you that agreeable to your instructions, of the 5th December, I weighed anchor from New York on the 15th of that month, and on the same day discharged the pilot from Sandy Hook. On the 3rd January, we struck soundings on the coast of England, and on the 7th, we were compelled by the setting of the current to Anchor in the Road of La Hague which is about 18 leagues to the westward of Havre. On making inquiry, I found that Captain Fenwick could reach Paris from thence in forty-eight hours, I considered it more proper to forward the dispatches for General Armstrong immediately, than to run the risque of being a day or two on our passage to Havre, from whence it would take him nearly the same time to deliver them, I accordingly landed him with the approbation of the Government of the town that evening, and the next morning he proceeded to Paris. On the evening of the 8th, the tide answering, we weighed from La Hague, and as I was of the opinion that the voyage would be facilitating going to the downs, I availed myself of the latitude given me in your instructions and proceeded to that place, in preference to Portsmouth, here we arrived the following morning, and immediately sent Mr. Elliott London with the dispatches for Mr. Pinkney. I would have left the Downs the same night for Holland, had I not been able, from indisposition to stand the deck in tempestuous weather, we almost daily experienced, fro which cause I deemed it necessary to engage a pilot, this detained us and the following day, we weighed for the Texell, but on the 14th weighed anchor for the Downs, for which we had bourn up for the proceeding evening, in an easterly gale by the urgent advice of the Pilot. We were here detained by adverse winds, until the 17th when we again weighed anchor, and on the 19th arrived and moored in the Helder having struck several times on a bank off Camperdown through neglect of the Pilot, the ship however received no perceivable injury, on the following morning I dispatched Mr. Chew to Amsterdam, with the letters I had in charge of the Treasury Department, and directed him to make arrangements with the agent to receive the specie as nearly as possible. It was not until the 24th that the permission was obtained and the specie landed, it was not until the [?]th of February that Mr. Crew obtained the receipts for it and returned to the ship. Adverse winds prevented our leaving the Helder until the [?]th, the passage out of which was so narrow that the leading wind [only?] will admit this ship sailing out. On the evening of the 14th, we ran through the Downs, from whence I found Mr. Pinkney, I expected to be in Portsmouth the following day and would be in readiness to receive Mr. Elliott with his dispatches, we anchored near Portsmouth on the 16th. Here it appears necessary to mention that while I was in Holland, I received a letter from General Armstrong directing me not to wait there for Captain Fenwick to proceed to England, and after I concluded my business there to return to Havre or some other convenient port in France, for his dispatches. On my arrival in England, i communicated this order to Mr. Pinkney, and as I believed it would be the cause of detaining the ship for some time, I provisioned her Portsmouth, for the period I supposed would be necessary, and availed myself with the credit you honored me with, on Messers james McKenzie and A. Glennie, to draw on them for disbursements, I however, I did not anticipate the long detention we were to experience in England, and the reports were so frequent and the dispatches were all to leave London, and the provision [priced] so extremely high, that I did not judge it prudent to procure large supplies, but furnished the ship at several different times, and drew for the whole amount of disbursements, including the supplies before mentions, [enclosed are] the following bills .... " Letter to be continued. This was only about a quarter of it so far ...

Looks like the 1840's Constitution with the Andrew Jackson figurehead. Love that quarter gallery window!

Captain Evans next wrote to Secretary Hamilton On March 11, 1810, from Portsmouth, England: "Sir, but just recovering from a severe indisposition that has confined me for upwards of two months, I have scarcely strength to inform you that I have executed your orders of the 25th of December last, so far as, to have arrived here, where we have been waiting upwards of three weeks without anything of note occurring. i was handed a letter yesterday of Mr. [Jessie Duncan] Elliot, of this ship. who I charged with the dispatches for Mr. Pinkney, in which he mentions that, the latter has determined that he should leave London today, in which case we shall leave France tomorrow, or the morning after, where I received orders from General Armstrong to repair and take on board Captain Fenwick with his dispatches on our having concluded our business in England. But as I see the arrival of the Packet from New York announced in the London papers of yesterday, I think it probable he might detain Mr. Elliot a day or two longer. I must beg you in consequence of my debility to excuse for the present entering into any details of our proceedings since we left America." Oh, but there was one interesting detail that Evans omitted to ever mention ... this from Moses Smith's Narrative "Naval Scenes of the Last War, etc.", Boston, Gleason's, 1846: "About this time [the date of the telling was July, 1811, more than a year after the corvette returned] the John Adams arrived off Annapolis from a foreign cruise, and from her men, we learned a striking case of heroism, which is worthy to be told. A colored seaman belonging to New York had been pressed into English service and when the [John ] Adams was lying off their coast, he got the opportunity to come aboard her, as one of the boat's crew, sent with an officer on some errand. Thinking now his time had come to escape from the British, he determined if possible not to return. Accordingly, as he stood upon the deck of the [John] Adams, he suddenly seized a boarding axe, and in the presence of the crew, , cut off the fingers of his right hand at a single blow. Then with the left hand holding up the bloody stump, he exclaimed: 'Now let the British take me if they want me. However, disabled as he was, they took him back, our officers having no power to interfere. " [Warning! A politically incorrect statement ahead!] "If patriotism be anything but a name, then surely this noble African deserved a better fate, there are exalted qualities concealed beneath a darkened skin ..."

On December 7, 1809, Hamilton amended his instructions: " ... it has been determined to send Captain Fenwick of the Corps of Marines in the John Adams for the purpose of bearing the dispatches to General Armstrong. On you arrival in France, you will instruct him agreeably to my latter to you of the 5th Instant, advancing him the necessary money to enable him to defray his expenses, which will ultimately be defrayed by the Department of State. The Navy Agent at New York will pay over to you the sum of $2000 to enable you to defray the small expenses of the ship, and if you shall find necessary, you may require of the agent, an additional sum on account of pay, as it may possibly contribute to the comforts of the officers to have two or three months pay advanced to them." The substitution of Marine Captain Fenwick might well have seemed to Evans to be a lack of confidence in the perceived abilities of the corvette's junior officers.

On December 5, 1809, Secretary Hamilton penned his orders to Captain Evans: "By the time this letter shall reach you, the John Adams will, I hope, be completely prepared for service.I have therefore now to direct you to weigh anchor without delay and proceed to L'Orient, Havre or any other such port in France, as you may be able, the mot convenient to make. Having arrived at such port, you will place the dispatches, you will herewith receive from the department of state, in the hands of a confidential officer, with orders to proceed with them without delay to Paris, and there deliver them into the hands of General Armstrong. [Note: He was our chief negotiator in France in 1809.] Such officer will then proceed to Amsterdam and thence wait for your arrival, when he will again join you. Having landed such officer, and given him the requisite instructions, you will without delay proceed to Portsmouth in England, or to such other port as you may be able to most conveniently make, when on your arrival, you will receive the dispatches, you will herewith receive from the Department of State, in the hands of another confidential officer, with orders to proceed without delay to London, and there deliver such dispatches to Mr. Pinkney, our minister at that court, instructing such officer to remain in London, until your return to England. You will then proceed directly to Amsterdam, at which place, you will, agreeably to instructions from the Treasury department, deliver the Specie which you will have on board, on account of the United States." Note: This gold specie was partial payment of our country's debt to Holland for helping us in the Revolution! Hamilton continued: "On your arrival in Amsterdam, the officer sent to Paris, will probably be ready to join you, with dispatches from General Armstrong. Having received such officer and dispatches, you will return to the port of England, from which you have sailed to amsterdam, , or to any other port in England, that you will be able most conveniently to make, , where you will receive the officer (that you have sent with dispatches to Mr. Pinkney) , with dispatches from Mr. Pinkney to this department. Having received such officer with Mr. Pinkney's latest dispatches, you will weigh anchor and proceed to the United States with all possible expedition, making this port, Norfolk, Philadelphia or New York. These instructions are given to you, from the views we at present have of our affairs generally, but as unforeseen events may arise, to render a departure from them in some particulars, proper, it is deemed expedient to direct, that you will execute any instructions you may receive from General Armstrong or Mr. Pinkney. As you may want supplies before you return, you are empowered by the enclosed letter of credit on Messrs James MacKenzie and A Glennie, to draw on them, as they have public money in their hands, and for years past have acted as agents to this department, forward to them without delay, your signature to guard against forgery. I will send four copies of the letter to those gentlemen, which you will forward to them seasonably. On your return to the United States, you will report to me the state and condition of the ship under your command, and you will also report all the events of moments that may arise during the continuance of service you are hereby required to perform. Should you want officers, apply to Commodore Rogers who will give you one or two of necessary experience, indeed two spare officers would not be amiss, as you have special service to perform, and you may expect to encounter severe weather." [Captains Letters Sent by the Secretary of the Navy, RG45, NA.] It just occurred to me that we can add yet another alteration of the John Adams' character: Treasure Galleon!

OK, Mark, if you insist , I'm going to continue copying here the primary source materials for this cruise. I wrote extensively about it in my biography of Johnston Blalekey*, in a chapter called "There Are Some Refractory Characters on Board", but I want to give the actual letters here, if you all will indulge me. This cruise is generally unknown, and most historians have the JA sitting in NY until 1814. I was able to write about it, only because I literally stumbled upon Evans' letters in the microfilm stacks. This cruise to Europe in 1809-1810 was very hard on both the ship and the officers, the first lieutenant of which was my guy, Blakeley. As Evans became too sick for duty soon after sailing from New York (from an earlier cutlass-dual wound across his face which, when flaring up, nearly blinded him) , Blakeley had to assumed command of the ship, even though he was chronically ill himself. By doing so, he made a great reputation for himself in Washington circles. Blakeley would have to prove himself to be not only an accomplished sailor, but a skilled diplomat as well. This cruise was the reason that Lieut. Blakeley was given the command of the Enterprise in 1811, and later the Wasp (II). Also, this was the cruise, I now believe, that Artist John Huggins saw the John Adams and painted her. Although she returned to European waters in 1814, British accounts describe her as being painted all black, and she clearly has a stripe in the watercolor. Note also the quarter galleries, and a large poop deck, with presumably passenger accommodations underneath, which extends as far forwards at the helm and the mizen mast. (* "Blakeley and the Wasp: The Cruise of 1814", Naval Institute Press, 2001: pitiful, shameless plug. )

Josiah Fox designed the Frigates Crescent [given as tribute to the Day of Algiers], John Adams, Chesapeake, Philadelphia and he altered slightly the draughts of the President. He designed the Wasp I and the Hornet, and he altered and lengthened Humphries' Adams to his own design.

Evans was to prepare for an as yet unspecified foreign cruise, but all was not well aboard. Capt. Evans to SecNav Hamilton, November 4, 1809 ("Captains Letters Received, National Archives Microfilm, RG 45): "... you will see that we are greatly deficient in our compliment of seamen. A number of our ordinary seamen are possible, but much in want of sea exercise, and as we have some prospect of entering seamen here, I am contemplating taking a short cruise about the middle of this month, with a crew we then have, to try the ship and give our men the exercise they so greatly need." His cruise took him up the coast to New York. Again, Evans to Hamilton, November 17, 1809: "Sir, I have the honor to inform you, that agreeable to your instructions of the 6th instant, I left Hampton Roads and arrived here this evening. I am happy to say that in my opinion, the ship sails much better than formerly, but we have a very bad crew, in fact there are not more than fifteen good seamen on board." Hamilton back to Evans, November 20, 1809: "The John Adams being required for foreign service, she must be prepared without delay for such service. To assist you, I have written Captain Chauncey directing him to loan to you, from the [New York Navy] yard, 40 able seamen, if he should have that number. In exchange until your return, you will deliver to him an equal number of ordinary seamen, and on your return, you will restore to him such men, and receive yours back again. Confidential. It has been determined to send in the John Adams, a quantity of specie [gold] which you shall receive from such person as the Secretary of the Treasury may direct to deliver it to you, and you are to deliver such specie agreeably to the directions you will receive. " Evans to Hamilton, November 23, 1809: "Sir , I have ...made immediate application to Captain Chauncey for the 40 seamen you directed him to loan the John Adams. He states that there is not a seaman in the yard, and in fact, there is not, in his opinion, five men in it, who have been beyond Sandy Hook. We have had a Rendezvous open since our arrival, but have not been able to enter one seaman. Tomorrow evening, if the weather is favorable, we shall have completed watering and victualling for three months and will require nothing but seamen to be in a state of readiness for any service. I could wish very much, as the ship is to proceed on foreign service, and acting lieutenant. My reasons for this are the state of Lieutenant Blakeley's health, which frequently renders it impossible for him to attend to duty in bad weather, and in case of accident, we have no midshipmen that I would be willing to entrust to a watch. Should it be agreeable to you, to make an arrangement of that nature, I beg leave to mention Midshipman George Budd as the one I would prefer to any midshipman I am acquainted with in the service." Hamilton replied that he had ordered Commodore Rogers of the President to give Evans all the sailors that he would need, but he couldn't have Mr. Budd, but instead ordered another midshipman, Walter Stewart of Philadelphia, and appoint him acting lieutenant instead. The John Adams was to be a diplomatic shuttle and to carry men and dispatches between the USS, Britain, France and Holland. Curiously, Hamilton asked Evans to give him a assessment of Stewart's abilities following the conclusion of the cruise. The following letter, dated December 2, 1809, makes me think that the corvette had a large poop deck cabin already installed, even though Josiah Fox's spar deck plan does not show one as designed. Two very well-connected wealthy individuals needed a ride to France. "Mr. Thomas Butler of Philadelphia, and his sister Miss Butler, being desirous of going to France in pursuit of health, I am very anxious that they should be accommodated with a passage on board your ship. I therefore request that, if it not materially interfere with the public service, you will receive them and their servants, for that purpose Mr. butler will make the terms agreeably to you. You will have the goodness to write Mr. Butler on the subject at Philadelphia. I need add no more than the respectability and objects of Mr. and Miss Butler, make me very solicitious, that you should accommodate them. I have it in charge of the President of the United States to inform you that it is his desire, that one returning from France to Accommodate Mr. Dupont de Nemours of Paris with passage on board your ship. It is expected that the dispatches, which you are to convey to Europe will be sent by this place by mail on Tuesday. You will therefore hasten to compete your preparations to sail immediately on receipt of them. It may be necessary for me to add, that Mr. Dupont de Nemour the President entertains sentiments very favorable, and consequently, he is recommended to your attention. The President writes to him and you will receive him on such terms as in your discretion shall prescribe." As a carrot to Evans, Hamilton allowed him the take on board $12,000 of private gold for transport to England. A service which would benefit only the captain, as he would receive percentage of the total value as his fee. The perks of command.

The Corvette first sailed from Baltimore to Hampton Roads on October 25, 1809 under Master Commandant Samuel Evans' with Lieutenant Johnston Blakeley (later the doubly victorious commander of Wasp II) as his first officer, with two senior midshipmen acting as lieutenants, John Pettigrew, as second, and Jessie Duncan Elliott, as third (villain of the Battle of Lake Erie). Her sailing had been delayed for three months due to lack of sailors, and supplies. Samuel Evans wrote the Secretary of the Navy Paul Hamilton two days later, praising the corvette's sailing qualities: "Sir, I have the honor to inform you that I arrived here yesterday morning after a short run of 22 hours from Baltimore. The breeze was so good, and the ship appeared to move so well, I am of the opinion had we been bound out, and carried sail, we could have been at sea in less than eighteen hours, from the time we had made sail ..." While on the subject of her sailing qualities: An unidentified officer wrote of her during her maiden frigate voyage on November 15, 1799: "We are now weighing our anchor and by 8 o'clock expect to be over the bar. She gave a good account of herself yesterday, in coming down from the Roads under mizzen, topsails and jib, she spun out about 7 knots per hour. The Pilot says, he is satisfied she will sail equal to any ship in the navy, he never saw a ship answer her helm so quickly, or slip through the water against the tide so rapidly. She is full, stiff, and we tried her yesterday in the heaviest of the blow ..." (South Carolina State Gazette and Timothy's Daily Advertiser.) From the same source on December 4, 1799: "... the frigate out-sailed every vessel she met with ..." Same source, February 9, 1800: "... Extract of a letter from an officer on board the Frigate John Adams, to his friend in Charleston: ...'I have the pleasure to inform you that the John Adams has been generally more approved of here, than any ship of her force belonging to the United States, that has been at the Island; and the English Captain in particular are much pleased with her. When we sailed from Charleston, the ship was too light, we have since taken in twenty tons more ballast and completed our water for another cruise, and she now sails much faster, as we had experienced in bearing up from the Old Roads to Basseterre, when we had the opportunity of trying her against the US Schooner Enterprise, reputed to be the fastest sailor on the station, yet she could not gain on us! The John Adams does credit to Charleston.' " Log of John Adams, December 31, 1804: The John Adams, then an armed store-ship, out-sailed H. B Majesty's Ship Superb, 74: "... we out-sailed her three miles, under the same sail running to the eastward ..." But Commodore Edward Preble of the Constitution wrote in December, 1805: "...The John Adams, a dull sailor, and too narrow for a man of war, but will make a good merchant ship, and if not wanted as a transport, had better be sold out of the service ..."

OK, back to the John Adams! On May 16th, 1809, the Ship John Adams recommissioned as a corvette. Command of her was given to Master Commandant Samuel Evans. Had she not been cut down, Evans could not have commanded her, frigates being the exclusive domain of the full captains. The next day, Fox wrote the following letter to Evans: "The Frigate John Adams was cut down to a corvette in the latter end of the year 1807, having proved to be improperly constructed, and found to possess too many bad qualities for a frigate. Whilst under repairs, the gun deck beams afore the main hatch were removed, and replaced with new, and the deck raised forward about 3 inches to take out inequalities. . All the berth deck beams were kneed. The wales and about 4 streaks under, are new, as well as the whole topsides, The overcharging of the stern, shortened and a new rudder of lighter construction made. The frame is of live oak and cedar, and appeared sound. The bottom plank ceiling, keelson and all the beams are of yellow or pitch pine. The pumps are new. The whole of the bottom overhauled and new coppered. The bowsprit mizen mast and fore mast new. Mainmast, new cheeked and repaired. All the other masts, yards, beams, top caps, etc, are new. From an unknown cause, she is wider on the larboard side than on the starboard side, and always tends to list to starboard, from which circumstances I am inclined to believe she will be considerably stiffer on the starboard than on the larboard tack."

The USS Frolick was cruising off the Cuban coast in early 1814, disguised as a helpless American merchantman hoping to lure an English sloop of war thought to be in the area, into her trap. She instead attracted the attention of a large, fool-hearty pirate schooner which stood out from a west coast bay to attack her. A forty minute running fight ensued, ending with about thirty dead pirates and a sinking schooner. The survivors, including their version of "Captain Jack Sparrow", escaped ashore in the remaining boats. The Frolick's sails were too cut up, and Captain Joe Bainbridge was too disinterested to pursue them. The Frolick suffered no casualties. In this case, the only known instance where a US Navy vessel ever sank a pirate ship in battle, has been left out of the history books. The Frolick was captured by the Frigate HMS Orpheus and the Schooner HMS Shelbourne a few days later in the Florida Straights.